Ben Ullans; Num.1 (In Ulster-Scots; No.1)

Til Scrieve ihr no til Scrieve

A hæ geen þire ah loch o þoct þá lass whein o sennicht. Wüþer ihr no til start scrieven ap þe blog ben Ullans. Þá Ullans leid his gät ah pœrfül loch o fowk agin it, für how A hæ næ notion, bit þon seint tæ bæ þá wey o þings ben Norlin Airlann. Für some fowk þúre seint tæ bæ ah trissel tæ þeir ain identitie jist bæ herkennin at Ullans bes ah reel uhn gildig leid.

A cannæ kenst fowk lich þon. A grah taakin uhn wurds uhn aa þá endir leid o þá ȝirþ. A can taak five endir leid- mair ihr less weel- uhn aȝe, A count Ullans til bæ ȝin o þem! Sö, A bemacht mæ mine ip til dæ someþin til gie heft tæ þá Ullans leid, uhn til Ulster heirskip ben generel. Þúre bes ah while mangel o stuch ben Ullans, no jist apline bit aawhere. BBC Radio Ulster his ah wheen o things ben Ullans bit aa þeir ootpit bes onlie ain hour ihr twá ilka sennicht. Þons no oer veelt. Leids lich Welsch uhn Airisch his haile TV channäls devotet til þem, whiles the lich o Ullans, Kernisch uhn Mancks his little ihr næþin ben þon line. O kerse, þá fact at Ullans disnæ hæ ah standart spellin disnæ heft bit þon’s ablin no ah bad þing i þá lang rin.

Get it richt ihr kill ȝeir leid!

Þá fact at Ullans hisnæ ah standart spellin his geen some fowk mair núr eneuch room til attacke it. Waat fowk lich þon dinnæ kenst bes at betimes standartizen isnæ aa its made oot til bæ. Þe standartizen o Airisch i þe 19 uhn 30’s damst neer kilt it, uhn did kill some o its dialechts. Þons ah skannel uhn no ȝin wie schuid bæ kopenen. Þá Ullans leid needs til bæ brocht bék til fuil poustie aisie uhn kairmaist.

O kerse þem at kens ocht abit leiden kenst þon. Its jist segt at þúre bes sä mannie “experts” ap þá subjecht ah leiden at befacht kens aa uhn ȝit kens damst aa! Ben þire insten its richt waat fowk seiz aboot “ah wee bët o glekisch bes ah middlin þine”.

Sä þúre wull bæ ah loch mair posts fræ mei ben þá Ullans leid. A’m no expechtin für þem til gan “viral” bit ablin þúre’s some fowk at’ll get someþine oot o þem. Þúres ȝin þine für shuir uhn ceirtin, Ullans bes here til stie, wüþer some fowk lichs it ihr no.


Online Censorship of Ulster Loyalism

Loyalists and Unionists have urged YouTube to explain how “thousands of hours” of footage of Loyalist bands was removed. Dozens of bands have reported that YouTube deleted their videos and accounts without warning, for “breaching community guidelines”. Something which never seems to happen to Irish republican videos or accounts, regardless of how blatantly sectarian, racist or violent they are.

The Ulster Bands Forum and Londonderry Bands Forum have both highlighted the issue, as have a number of elected representatives. UUP councillor Trevor Wilson (Cookstown) told the media that YouTube “must explain the removals”, adding “the local band scene is thriving and is a key part of Unionist culture, providing a great deal of colour and musical skill throughout the summer months, and is the source of pleasure and enjoyment for tens of thousands of people. I and a number of party colleagues have been approached by members of the local band fraternity regarding action taken by YouTube. There is a great deal of anger out there that a number of accounts have been closed without explanation or warning, and hundreds of hours of footage lost as a result”

Progressive Unionist Party leader and Belfast councillor Billy Hutchinson also raised concerns about Youtube’s apparent anti-Unionist purge. Unsurprisingly, no one from Youtube has offered any comment or explanation. It is unlikely that they will. Apparently there are certain protected groups online, certain “in groups”. Irish republicans are one of those groups (for now), Unionists and Loyalists are not. Any neutral observer should ask themselves what the underlying reason for that is!


Does Size Matter?

As we fast approach the 12th of July, bonfires are being built in Loyalist communities across Northern Ireland. For many people bonfires are an enjoyable part of the annual July festivities, for others they are a scar on the landscape. Whatever your opinion though, bonfires are here to stay.  I have nothing against a good ‘bonny’, but, I will say that in my humble opinion, bonfires should be scaled back in size. Some of the bonfires that are built each year are truly gigantic, do they have to be so large?

I contend that they do not. After all, isn’t the point of them to replicate the signal fires lit across the high hills of Ulster to communicate the news that King William III had landed at Carrick? Those original fires were not massive edifices. I fully understand that in some areas, especially in the Greater Belfast area, having the biggest bonfire is a sort of badge of honour. There is obviously a lot of fierce competition. However, there are other factors which need to be urgently considered.

Some Eleventh Night bonfires are on a truly epic scale

Some Eleventh Night bonfires are on a truly epic scale

Safety First

Last “11th Night” I attended a bonfire in County Antrim. Whilst not by any means a record breaker the bonfire was still very large. Consisting almost entirely of wooden pallets, the fire was not very wide at the base but was quite tall. After it was lit it began to burn on only one side. A few minutes later and the inevitable happened- the bonfire collapsed and fell over. Fortunately nobody was hurt but I am convinced that it is only a matter of time before one of these really large bonfires costs someone their life. Shouldn’t the safety of the community, and especially the youth of the community, be paramount? Bonfires don’t have to be gargantuan.

Some Loyalist communities have switched from large, and quite frankly ugly, bonfires to the much smaller and neater beacons. These beacons are metal, usually wrought iron, cage like structures into which combustible bonfire type material is placed. They have a number of benefits: they are safer, easier to clean up afterwards, easier to light etc. I know that in some places pressure has been applied to community groups/representatives to make the switch from bonfire to beacon but that is a counterproductive tactic. Often communities simply dig their heels in and refuse to even consider a beacon. To bribe communities with the promise of funding for other things (children’s playparks etc) is downright reprehensible, though I know full well of several examples of such shady practice.

Flag Burning

I don’t condone the burning of flags on bonfires. On the field of battle, an enemies colours, once captured, are rarely desecrated let alone destroyed, the Irish tricolour is though, being routinely burned on 11th of July bonfires, just as Loyalist flags are burned on Irish nationalist/republican bonfires. I can understand the reasoning of the flag burners, even though I don’t agree with their views. For many Loyalists and Unionists the Irish tricolour is a flag that will forever be tainted by it’s association with many and various terrorist gangs. PIRA/SF, RIRA, IPLO, CIRA, OIRA, INLA/IRSP, have all used (or continue to use) the tricolour as their emblem. If you ask the young bonfire builders what the Irish tricolour represents, many of them will tell you that it is the flag of “the IRA”, arguably they would not be incorrect in such an assertion.

It's not just Loyalists that burn flags on bonfires as vividly demonstrated by this republican "anti-internment" bonfire

It’s not just Loyalists that burn flags on bonfires as vividly demonstrated by this republican “anti-internment” bonfire

Nationalist/republican flags will also continue to go up in flames every summer whilst the Union flag and Ulster banner continue to be burned on republican bonfires. This is a sad indictment of Ulster society but unfortunately that is where we are at in terms of community relations. We live in a “zero sum” society. If one side of our divided community does something, the other side will do the same. “Yous burn our flag and we’ll burn yours”.

An Appeal to Common Sense

Whether or not you agree with me on the issue of bonfires, if you attend the Eleventh Night festivities please use your common sense and keep yourself and those around you safe. Too much alcohol is never a good idea at anytime, and especially not in the vicinity of a large open fire! Orange men and bandsmen should know not to indulge too much, after all, the 12th is a long day for those involved in the actual parade.

Keep dogs away from the bonfire. Never throw glass bottles etc into the fire. Keep a close eye on the youngsters and try to avoid getting your eyebrows singed off! What will I be doing? I’ll be tucked up in bed. Like I said, the 12th is a long day. I might not take an active part anymore but still, a good nights sleep is essential the night before Europe’s largest outdoor cultural festival.

Leading Not Following

Real Loyalism vs. Pantomime Loyalism

Who really represents Loyalists? Is it the likes of Wully Frazer, Jim Dowson or Jamie Bryson? Or is it ex-combatants, the UPRG and the Progressive Unionist Party? I can tell you who is doing valuable work in working-class communities, who is striving to improve the lives of ordinary people. But if I really have to tell you then this blog is probably way over your head anyway. Only an absolute imbecile looks at people like Frazer and Bryson and assumes that they are representative of Ulster Loyalism. An imbecile or someone with a pernicious, dehumanizing, hateful agenda that likes to portray Loyalism and Unionism as some sort of extremist fringe.

Anyone with an ounce of sense, with any political maturity, can see that the Loyalist community has many genuine grievances, any many genuine concerns. Loyalists do not follow demagogues anymore. We do not allow ourselves to be lead by 3rd rate Carsons, or at least most of us don’t. “The Troubles” have taught both Loyalists and republicans some harsh lessons. One lesson it taught Loyalists was to be wary of those who shout loudest but rarely get their hands dirty.

Real Loyalists can see straight through the hysterical rhetoric of these reincarnated Hugh Hannahs. We are not obsessed with the issue of flags and emblems, we do not wrap ourselves in the Union flag. Modern Loyalism is typified far more by people like Izzy Giles or Cllr. Russell Watton than by anyone from within the ranks of ‘Prod Co.’ or the UPV (although let me be clear that I harbour no hostility towards such groups)

Loyalism is not the stereotype some would like to portray it to be. For the time being, Loyalists are content to take a back seat, applying political pressure as and when needed. The Union is secure. Irish nationalist terrorism has been defeated. Those who maintain that Loyalists are running scared or that we feel our ultimate defeat is imminent, are foolhardy and naïve. Real Loyalists are leaders, not followers. We are content to work quietly, in the background if necessary. We sometimes shun the glare of publicity, nonetheless we will always be ready, always patient, always vigilant, always thinking ahead. Leading, not following.

The Political Soul of Ulster Loyalism: Part One

What is Loyalism?

Ulster Loyalism is most simply defined as being, loyalty to Ulster. Not loyalty to the institution of monarchy, not loyalty to any government or party, not loyalty to England, but loyalty to Ulster. Having Ulster’s best interests at heart and working to ensure that Ulster, as an entity, both literal and abstract, is not harmed or destroyed, and the willingness to use any and all means to prevent any such possible harm or destruction. It can also be described as loyalty to one’s community. Of course, there are those who would vehemently disagree with my definition of what Loyalism is, they will insist that Loyalism means loyalty to the British Crown and constitution, as revised after the Glorious Revolution of 1688-90. Or that Loyalism is merely a misplaced sense of loyalty to the British state. That is their prerogative. I have self-identified as being a Loyalist since I was in my early teens. In the years since I have examined and re-examined the defining characteristics of Ulster Loyalism. I have had many, many conversations with others about what they believe Loyalism means, about what it means to them to be a Loyalist. I have studied the history of my country and the history of Loyalism. I live and work within a predominantly Loyalist community. Those who know me personally, know my ‘credentials’. Forgive my arrogance but I am of the firm belief that those best qualified to define Loyalism, are Loyalists themselves.

That the very definition of Loyalism is a matter of debate says much about the Loyalist community. We are a ‘broad church’, welcoming of dissenting voices. Often divided on specific issues and seemingly content to tear each other to shreds over those issues. But all Loyalists (and indeed the vast majority of Unionists) share a sense of common purpose. From the upper echelons of mainstream political Unionism, to the ordinary woman or man on the street, from the Loyalist/Unionist ‘moderates’ to the former POWs, all have one thing in common. The sincerely held belief that Ulster should never enter into any form of political union, or be annexed by, the Irish Republic.  Beyond that point though, Loyalism begins to diverge from Unionism, at least in terms of terminology. There are many Unionists (I use the term here to denote those who would self-identify as Unionists but not as Loyalists) who hold the view that this country, the land of their forebears, is not worth the shedding of even a single drop of blood. To many no doubt, this would be an admirable quality, from my point of view however, it is a naïve rejection of the political and intercommunal  realities of life in Northern Ireland. Anyone who describes themselves as a Loyalist should, as a point of principle, defend the right of any (and every) free people to resist, by force of arms if necessary, that which they cannot tolerate politically.

Are Loyalism and Unionism the Same?

Not all Unionists are Loyalist. Not all Loyalists are Unionist. Many self-styled Unionists disagree fundamentally with some of the core principles of Loyalism. Some Loyalists lean more towards Ulster nationalism than support for the Union. Indeed, there are many Loyalists, myself included, who support the Union only for as long as the Union is beneficial to Ulster. For me, one of the central tenets of Loyalism is the principle of self-determination. Historically the Ulster people have exercised that inalienable right, choosing to remain within the British family of nations. There is, however, nothing which precludes Ulster from exercising her right to self-determination and choosing independence, in some form or other. If, for example, some future Westminster government was to display more than the usual level of obsequiousness towards Irish nationalism and declare that Ulster would cease to be part of the United Kingdom from such-and-such a date, some form of independence would be Loyalism’s only viable option, at least in the short to medium term.

Not all Unionists are Loyalists but most Loyalists are Unionists.

Not all Unionists are Loyalists but most Loyalists are Unionists.

The media and others used to use the terms ‘Unionist’ and ‘Loyalist’ interchangeably. Today they do not. Is this a recognition of the clear distinctions between the two, or perhaps merely a ploy to aid in their further demonization of Loyalists? I am prepared to, grudgingly, give the media the benefit of the doubt and say it is the former rather than the latter. The issue of Loyalist identity is an extremely complex one. It would be perfectly acceptable for one to proclaim that all Irish republicans are also Irish nationalist, but that not all Irish nationalists are republicans. One could also state that, for example, all members of the Tea Party in the United States are conservatives, but not all American conservatives are Tea-baggers. The same idiom cannot be employed when discussing Loyalism and Unionism. Although one could perhaps get away with using the phrase “most Loyalists are Unionists but only some Unionists are Loyalists”. That may well be as close as we can get to a succinct summation of the relationship between the two.

Aside from the pragmatic view that many Loyalists have of the Union, there is one other important issue where Loyalists and Unionists differ significantly. The issue of armed resistance.  As I have  already said, there are some within Unionism who are completely pacifistic. There are many more who seem to have no problem with armed counter measures, but only if and when such counter measures are undertaken by the forces of the state. For them the idea of citizen soldiers engaging in clandestine warfare is anathema. Yet a century ago even ‘Big House’ Unionists were prepared to engage militarily to defeat the 3rd Home Rule Bill, or at the very least, to ensure Ulster’s exclusion from any quasi-independent state arising out of it. It is bordering on the hypocritical for some Unionists to commemorate the use (and threatened use) of armed resistance 100 years ago, and yet totally condemn it in the context of the more recent conflict.

The People’s Right to Defend Themselves

Loyalism, in both principle and in practice, has always asserted the right of the Ulster people to defend themselves. In April, 1689, the representative of government in Londonderry, Governor  Robert Lundy, attempted to surrender the city to the forces of King James II. The people of the city, no doubt inspired by the Apprentice Boy’s shutting of the gates the previous December, paid no heed to Lundy’s orders and, under the leadership of Col. Adam Murray, began a fierce attack on King James’ besieging army. Technically, the citizens of Londonderry were, in disobeying Lundy’s orders, acting illegally. They were however, morally justified. If they had not resorted to armed resistance, King James’ army of French and Irish cut-throats would have entered the city and slaughtered the inhabitants. It would have been an extermination.

Loyalists have an inalienable right to defend themselves and their communities.

Loyalists have an inalienable right to defend themselves and their communities.

In the early 1970s many Loyalists felt that they too were facing extermination. The Provisional and Official IRA were detonating no-warning bombs all over Ulster. Outside pubs, shops, offices and restaurants. In town centres and outside police stations (often in built-up residential areas). Meanwhile, Irish nationalist death squads roamed the streets looking for potential victims and IRA snipers (both ‘Pinhead’ and ‘Sticky’) created panic in the terraced streets of Belfast and Londonderry. The ‘authorities’ seemed powerless. The Army seemed either unable or unwilling to fully engage the republican gunmen and bombers. With little or no other option, the Loyalist people once again had to rely on themselves. To arm and organise themselves as best they could and begin to fight back. The Ulster-Scots, as a people, had an undeniable right to self-defence. A right to armed resistance. I will never, ever, condemn any Loyalist who took the momentous decision to disregard their own safety and take up arms in defence of their country and their community. In fact, I would commend anyone who took that decision. In the face of a ruthless, barbaric, genocidal enemy, armed resistance is a necessity. Indeed, in such circumstances, armed resistance should be regarded as a moral obligation.

We Oppose Only One Thing

Those who make it their life’s work to attack Ulster Loyalism often say that: loyalists know what they are against, but they don’t necessarily know what they are for” I fundamentally disagree. Loyalists know exactly what we are for. We are for full and equal citizenship. We are for civil and religious liberty for all. We are for integrated, secular education. We are for an end to discrimination in education, housing and employment. We are for a better standard of living for all the people of Northern Ireland. We are for an end to the cultural Apartheid that has seen one community lay claim to certain areas (in some cases whole towns and villages) to the exclusion of all others. We are for an end to Irish nationalist/republican terrorism. We are for normality, peace and conflict resolution. We are for justice. For peace with honour  (not peace at any price). For an accurate and truthful account of our country’s recent past. For our children and our children’s children. We oppose only one thing. We oppose the childish, reductionist, arrogant idea that our country ought to be politically, economically and culturally unified with the other country with whom we share this island.

At it’s very core, that is the only thing that Ulster Loyalism opposes, as an ideology. We will oppose this or that, in the course of normal daily political life, but fundamentally, ideologically, we oppose only that one nefarious notion. Loyalism does not have to work to change the status quo. Loyalism won when we achieved separate status for Ulster in 1921. The vast majority of Loyalists (those who, at least tacitly, support the Union) have what we desire. We are not working towards the fulfilment of a pipedream. We are not trying to subvert and overthrow the state. At times I think that it is to our detriment. Perhaps the Loyalist community would have more cohesion, more purpose, if we were working to achieve some romanticised ideal, rather than simply working to maintain what we already have. I shouldn’t covet the attributes of other communities though. For we, as Loyalists have different, but equally advantageous attributes. Our sense of self-reliance. Our indefatigability. The very fact that we, the Loyalist people, are not a single, homogenous, tightly controlled group, which is far more of a strength than a weakness. Something we should perhaps, be quicker to recognise.

Is Loyalism Reactionary?

For Irish nationalists this is almost a rhetorical question. “Of course loyalism is reactionary” they’ll say. “After all, loyalist violence was a reaction to the republican armed struggle”. For Irish nationalists and republicans this is one of those unquestioned truisms that their political doctrine clings to like a drowning rat. It is also one of the politically immature responses which makes one further question the ‘merits’ of a segregated/sectarian education system. For just because Loyalist violence was, some of the time at least, a reaction to republican violence, does not prove that Loyalism, as an ideology, is reactionary. On the contrary, throughout the conflict now known as ‘The Troubles’, it was Ulster Loyalism that provided the only real political innovation. As far back as the mid-seventies, David Trimble, then of the Ulster Vanguard movement, was writing eloquent and scholarly articles and theses on how the Conflict might be brought to a close. In the 1980s, the UDA, through their political wing, the Ulster Democratic Party, produced ‘Common Sense’, a document at least a decade ahead of its time. ‘Common Sense’ was itself the successor to that organisation’s earlier thesis, ‘Beyond The Religious Divide’. The Progressive Unionist Party had also contributed much to the debate about how Ulster might move beyond conflict, sectarianism, social exclusion and ‘zero sum politics’.

'Common Sense': A visionary  and innovative document that Irish nationalism had no answer to.

‘Common Sense’: A visionary and innovative document that Irish nationalism had no answer to.

Any objective observer may well conclude that, in response to such Loyalist thinking (for instance- ‘Common Sense’), Irish nationalists and republicans seemed unable to even garner an articulate response. Absolutely unable to come to any new conclusions themselves, or even re-examine their own ‘sacred beliefs’, Irish nationalism could do only what it knew how to do best- reject any innovation. The accusation that Loyalism is reactionary is, in light of the evidence, not only patently untrue, but also absurd. When the UDA produced ‘Beyond The Religious Divide’ and later, ‘Common Sense’, Irish nationalists were forced to react, but were unable to do anything more meaningful than sit in the corner, their fingers in their ears, whistling ‘A Soldiers Song’. When the armed wing of Loyalism escalated it’s military campaign, from about 1989 onwards, PIRA/SF, INLA/IRSP and the IPLO were forced to react. When the CLMC talked of “abject and true remorse”, for the killing of innocent people during the Conflict, Irish nationalism/republicanism was again forced to react, their reaction was a deafening silence! 

Loyalism is NOT reactionary or motivated by antagonism towards others.

Loyalism is NOT reactionary or motivated by antagonism towards others.

Loyalism as a Catalyst for Social Change

Arguably, working class Loyalist communities are the most tightly knit of any communities in the British Isles, with the possible exception of the Traveller Community. Close bonds were forged during the long, weary years of bitter, internecine conflict. In the last few years, with the increasing demonisation of working class Loyalists, those bonds have become stronger still. We, as Loyalists, know what community means, what it is. Loyalists have always had a deep, indeed profound, social conscience. It is that social conscience, and that feeling of being a part of something greater than the individual, that inspired many Loyalists to become politically, and/or militarily, active in the first place. Loyalism is primarily a working class, community based, ideology. Can Loyalism therefore act as a catalyst for social change? The answer seems obvious to me. Yes, of course it can. Loyalist communities the width and breadth of Northern Ireland face numerous complex social issues. Poverty, lack of social housing, educational under achievement, social exclusion, drug abuse etc etc. Loyalist communities are though, I believe, uniquely equipped to deal with such challenges. Loyalist marching bands and Lambeg drumming clubs are not only overt expressions of culture, they are also a fantastic way to occupy young people, to keep them from loitering on street corners or engaging in antisocial activity, encouraging them to be more physically active and expanding their minds through music. Loyalist communities also have other unique aspects which can be utilised for the benefit of the whole community. Orange Halls can be used for a multitude of purposes beyond that for which they were originally intended- crèches, slimming clubs, evening classes, community meetings, cultural events etc etc.

Loyalism is already a catalyst for social change.

Loyalism is already a catalyst for social change.

Not only can Loyalism can be a catalyst for social change, I would contend that it already is! In the future, the role of Loyalism in social change will only expand. The recent resurgence of the Progressive Unionist Party is a clear illustration that many within the Loyalist working class are sick and tired of the right-wing, economically conservative, socially inactive parties in the Unionist ‘mainstream’. ‘Joe Public’ has had a belly full of the vague and diffuse promises of the DUP. Most ordinary people in places like Rathcoole, Ballykeel, Ballysally or Tigers Bay, can see with their own eyes who the politically and socially active people in their neighbourhoods are. They’re not the property speculators and businessmen of the DUP. They’re the former combatants, the ex-POWs and the activists of the PUP and UPRG. People who have a vested interest in seeing improvement in those communities because they live in those places too. Loyalism has always been socially aware, today however, Loyalists are fast learning how to get things done, how the ‘system’ works and what needs to happen for Loyalist communities to get their fair share. Loyalists have always striven to fix the problems in our communities, now though, we have the tools at our disposal to do the job right. 

Loyalism and Feminism

One of the core principles of Loyalism is civil and religious liberty for all! So to exclude women from any aspect of political, social or cultural life would be an absurdity. Any man who calls himself a Loyalist needs to recognise the vitally important role women have played in the Conflict. I can think of no greater example of courage than those women POWs incarcerated in Armagh gaol, outnumbered by their enemies but never outfought! Enduring all manner of hardship and indignity but never allowing themselves to be broken. All men need to also recognise that gender equality is a necessity in any democratic, free and egalitarian society. As a man, I feel slightly uncomfortable speaking on behalf of women, after all, women need to be able to speak for themselves. We men though have a role in providing an environment within which women and girls feel confident enough to express themselves  freely

If civil and religious liberty for all is not just rhetoric, then it must be our guiding principle as we go about our daily lives. We must think before we speak, before we act. The task of transforming communities and attitudes is an arduous one. Loyalism is not a part-time political philosophy, it is an ideology which can be applied to almost every aspect of our lives. That includes our relationship with the opposite sex. I would like to believe that working class Loyalist communities have never been especially patriarchal, but then again, I’m a man, my experience and the experience of my mother, sister, aunt, daughter etc are no doubt very, very different. I do know one thing though, as an Ulster Loyalist I have a great desire to see equality and fairness in all aspects of society and in every community!

Loyalism and Intellectualism

If one assumes that ideology is, in general, a mask for self-interest (whether personal, national, ethnic or religious), then it is a natural presumption that intellectuals, in interpreting history or formulating policy, will tend to adopt an elitist position, condemning political mass movements such as Ulster Loyalism. Throughout the years of conflict, Pseudo-liberal intellectuals have often dismissed Loyalism as if it were an irrelevant nuisance, if they bothered to offer comment on Loyalism at all. The self-appointed ‘intellectual elite‘ have come in for almost constant criticism from elements of Loyalism, but there is no real reason for such antagonism between intellectualism and Loyalism. Unlike Irish nationalism, with it’s over simplification of historical issues and it’s obsessive mysticism, Loyalism is rational, pragmatic and stoical. As an ideology, Loyalism has it’s basis firmly in the real world. Whereas other ideologies, Irish and Scottish nationalism for example, are an appeal to the heart, Ulster Loyalism is an appeal to both the heart and head.

Perhaps it is because of the ingrained, phoney Leftist agenda prevalent in most British university faculties, perhaps is it because intellectuals view Loyalism as being inextricably linked to violent street protest, paramilitary activity and counter insurgency, but whatever the reason, many intellectuals see Loyalism as anathema. Certainly there are some within ‘intellectualism‘ who are, at least, closet Loyalists, but there are many others who have decided, for whatever reason, that they must attack Loyalism at any given opportunity. It is imperative that Loyalists challenge the perceptions of the intellectual class. Loyalism, as an ideology, does not have to make itself answerable to anyone, but it should seek to redress the misconceptions of certain sections of society, especially those sections of society that have no automatic reason to harbour any antipathy towards it. 

To determine the nature of man, the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau proceeds to compare man and animal . Man is “intelligent, free….the sole animal endowed with reason”. Animals are “devoid of intellect and freedom”. Do the intellectual class not view Loyalists as men (and women)? Are we not endowed with the reason that Rousseau spoke of? It is time for intellectuals to step out into the real world, to engage with Loyalists (and others), so that a more comprehensive and inclusive view of Ulster politics emerges. The intellectual class do themselves, and the communities in which they live, a great disservice if they refuse to re-examine their opinions and prejudices. Intellectuals, and everyone else in Northern Ireland (and beyond) need to recognise that Loyalists are people too!

To be continued…




That’s lose it not ‘loose’ it (sorry but that really winds me up).

Ok, a lot is written about culture in Northern Ireland. Most of it is not exactly complimentary towards Ulster-Scots culture & Unionist/Loyalist/Orange traditions. Indeed, some quarters would have you believe that there is only one culture on this island. The Orange Institution is vilified & criticised from every angle, whilst the toxic NI media perpetuate the stereotype of working class Loyalists as being flag obsessed, kerb painting, tyre burning louts. We can complain about it until the proverbial cows come home. We can shake our fists at the TV screen or shout obscenities at the Biggest Ego in the Country (aka Nolan) whenever he’s on the radio, but where will that get us? How will that help? We (Loyalists & Unionists) need to become pro-active. We need to learn the lessons of the past & come up with new strategies for the future.

Can anyone seriously deny that Loyalist/Unionist/Orange heritage is under sustained attack?

Can anyone seriously deny that Loyalist/Unionist/Orange heritage is under sustained attack?

I’m going to shock you here. I was not born an Ulster Loyalist. It was not drummed into me at an early age. My father was in no way political until late in life. My mother was/is a Loyalist, though in what I’d describe as a cultural sense, rather than a political sense. Loyalism was not taught in our house! I became a Loyalist as a teenager, only after long & careful analysis of the situation in Ulster. I became a Loyalist because I believe that my homeland, Ulster, is separate to & different from the Irish nation. Because I believe that the people of Ulster, my people, have an inalienable right to self-determination, exercised in 1921, when Ulster (albeit with redrawn borders) decided to remain a part of the United Kingdom, the British Family of Nations. I became a Loyalist, rather than a Unionist, firstly because I believe Ulster to be a nation, not a Province nor some colonial outpost of the British Empire. Secondly, because I believe that, in the absence of adequate defence (as provided by the UK government) the people of NI have the right to defend themselves, by any means. Something that Loyalists have done many times in the past.

It was that, that quality of self reliance, that my teenage self saw as one of the finest attributes of Ulster Loyalism. If no outside help is forthcoming, then we’ll damn well help ourselves! And it is that quality that we need in abundance today. It’s all very well ranting & raving about the ‘cultural war’ being waged against us, but what are we going to do about it? What are you going to do about it? There are more Loyalist bands now than ever before. That’s great, but how about we tell the world how bands give young people in our community a sense of purpose, teach them musicality & discipline, get them out being active & keep them away from drugs, crime & anti-social activity? While we’re about it, let’s open up Orange halls to community groups, youth groups, senior citizens clubs etc. Some halls already do this, but sadly, in many parts of the country, Orange halls are empty & unused apart from hosting Lodge meetings once a month. Orange halls are a fantastic resource. We need to utilise them far, far more.

There are so many things we can do to promote & protect our culture & heritage. Lambeg drumming clubs are flourishing in rural areas, there’s no reason why that success can’t be replicated in the towns & cities too. Street parties to mark important national occasions are another way to promote culture/heritage, with the bonus of being a great way to bring the community together & foster good relations. There is absolutely no reason why, for example, a street party to mark VE day, could not become a ‘cross community’ event, especially in areas where community relations are something approaching normal. I also believe that the OO, Somme Associations & bands should do more to encourage everyone to take part in commemorating the Battle of the Somme. The Imperial German machineguns didn’t discriminate between Protestant Ulstermen & Catholic Ulstermen. We as Loyalists have a duty to remind people of that fact. To remind people that we, as Ulster Loyalists, remember with pride, all of the Ulster Division’s fallen sons, regardless of creed, class or political persuasion.

Lambeg drummers in the United States

Lambeg drummers in the United States

Last but by no means least, let’s get serious about our mother tongue, Ullans (Ulster-Scots). Oft lampooned by those who oppose us, Ulster-Scots is the language of our ancestors & unlike many other (now sadly extinct) minority languages, it is still alive in the mouths of thousands of our people. Some people like to criticise Ulster-Scots, saying that it isn’t really a language because it, in terms of vocabulary, it is close to English. Indeed, many will tell you that it is just bad English. Really? Because Ullans is mutually intelligible with Scots & English? If that’s the case, then half of the languages of Europe will have to be written off. Norwegian? Swedish? Nah, just bad Danish. Dutch? Just bad German. Bosnian & Croatian? Just bad Serbian. Ukrainian? Ha! Don’t make me laugh. The sad thing here is, that those who use this argument are embarrassing themselves in the eyes of every person who knows anything about linguistics. English, Scots & Ulster-Scots share a lot of words (albeit spelt slightly differently) because they are from the same language group! Just as Irish Gaelic, Scottish Gaelic, Manx etc are all Celtic languages, so English, Scots & Ulster-Scots are all part of the Anglo-Frisian branch of the West Germanic language group! Norwegians can understand most of what a Swede says (in Swedish) & almost all of what a Dane says (in Danish) so does that mean it’s open season to take the piss out of the Norwegian language? C’mon all you cultural fascists, lets hear you tell a Norwegian or a Bosnian or a Slovak (Slovak having far more mutual intelligibility with Czech than Ulster-Scots has with English) that they don’t really have a language. Better still, try explaining to a Scandinavian or someone from the Balkans, why you cling so bitterly, to the childish notion that Ulster-Scots is not a language because “its nat different enough from English”.

'mutual intelligibility' it's not rocket science!

‘mutual intelligibility’ it’s not rocket science!

I’m sorry if I’m labouring the point here, but this fallacious, infantile ‘argument’ that Ullans is not a language, is so stupid & so easily refuted that it makes my blood boil that so many of the enemies of our culture still cling to it like drowning rats. That they get away with using their kindergarten tactics is a mark of shame on all of those who call themselves a Loyalist or an Ulster-Scot (for the benefit of Irish nationalist readers: Loyalist & Ulster-Scot are not mutually exclusive terms. Despite what you’ve been told) It is time for us to collectively call bullshit on our hatefilled opponents & take pride in our mother tongue. Perhaps countering the close-minded, moronic, spiteful ‘argument’ of Irish cultural fascists should be lesson one in any Ulster-Scots language class. We Ulster-Scots, (Protestant, Catholic, Atheist or whatever) have a rich & diverse cultural heritage. Music, dance, food, language, poetry, mythology etc. But that culture will disappear unless we make a conscious effort to keep it alive. The world becomes a smaller place each day. Globalisation has done tremendous damage to many cultures around the world. Ulster-Scots face these problems and the strenuous efforts of bitter & bigoted people who have a vested interest in denying the very existence of anything on this island which is not Gaelic/Celtic.

Take pride in the Ulster-Scots language. Take pride in your heritage

Take pride in the Ulster-Scots language. Take pride in your heritage

Certain people want to perpetuate the stereotype of Loyalists as jeering, drunken, sectarian thugs, wrapped in a Union flag. Are we going to allow them to do that? Are we going to whine & complain? Or are we going to take up the challenge before us & destroy the pernicious lies of the cultural chauvinists? I hope that Loyalism has not lost it’s sense of self-reliance. I hope we have not lost that precious attribute which served our forebears so well (& in much more serious circumstances). The Brave Thirteen, who slammed shut the gates of Londonderry, had that sense of self-reliance. Carson’s Volunteers had it in 1912. Is it still part of our ethnic makeup in 2014? Only time will tell. Either we take a stand now, do something to preserve & promote our age old heritage & culture, something positive, creative & meaningful, or we will lose it forever. We can wait no longer. We can no longer allow the agenda to be set by others. If not you, then who? If not now, then when? It is the responsibility of all Loyalists & Unionists to ensure that our heritage & traditions are still here when we are not. It’s your culture, use it or lose it!

I leave you now with a few words of verse ben Ullans (in Ulster-Scots)

“Ir ye strange, frightfu’ chiel, auld Nick,
Tha’s come tae herd für Charlie,
Tae hiner thá smaa bürds tae pick,
Thá corn that ripens earlie.
Ir some vile wretch claad ben disguise,
That swings fowk i’ a tether;
Whá at Doonpatrick last assize
Did toom three aff the liéther.
Ir are ye jist a true scarecraa,
Wi’ clout an’ auld sca’t caster,
That’s come tae flie the bürds  awa,
Für pickin aff yer master.
The darna luik ye in thá face,
Nor yet aboot ye prattle;
Ye’ll save poor Charlie mony a rase,
That he ran waé his rattle.”